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Jefferson Davis' speech of September 23, 1864, was so bad that Americans North and South speculated that it was a spoof or a satire – but it was real and sincere. In this speech Davis greatly discouraged his own troops and vastly raised morale in the North; unpersuasively justified his removal of a popular, effective commander for one who had suffered unprecedented losses; viciously attacked one his critics without naming him, leading many of his opponents to believe themselves gravely insulted by the President; and through an unbelievable exercise of "loose lips" caused his army's strategic plans to be published in the newspapers, thereby contributing to the some of the most astonishing Union victories of the Civil War. Most importantly he revealed the principles that he thought the Confederacy stood for. [click to continue…]

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This story on NPR is why I teach Law and Theology (occasionally). Our ideas and beliefs, whether implicit or explicit, about the nature of God's judgement and grace impact our ideas about human behavior and markets, and therefore about law.

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In yesterday's post I discussed the effect of Section 776.041 of Florida law which codifies the common law rule that to claim self-defense a criminal defendant must not have been the aggressor. Under this statute George Zimmerman's guilt or innocence is likely to turn on whether the jury finds that he "initially provoked" the incident in which he shot Trayvon Martin to death. If he did provoke the attack and did not subsequently try to escape or withdraw from the confrontation, the "Stand Your Ground" law does not apply and Zimmerman will not be permitted to claim that he acted in self-defense. In this post I examine two recent Florida cases interpreting 776.041 and I cite some older Florida cases applying the common law rule that a wrongdoer may not claim that he acted in self-defense. [click to continue…]

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The "Stand Your Ground" law explicitly provides that a person "has no duty to retreat" if he or she is "not engaged in an unlawful activity." However, another statute entitled "Use of Force by Aggressor" provides that if a person initially provokes the use of force then that person may not claim self-defense unless he or she has "exhausted every reasonable means to escape." I suspect that prosecutors will rely upon this second law in their prosecution of George Zimmerman for the shooting death of Trayvon Martin. [click to continue…]

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Talking Points Memo has posted the affidavit filed by the special prosecutor's office explaining why there was probable cause to charge Zimmerman with second degree murder in the shooting death of Trayvon Martin. [click to continue…]

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In her news conference announcing that George Zimmerman was being charged with second degree murder in the death of Trayvon Martin, Florida Special Prosecutor Angela Corey mentioned several times that self-defense is an "affirmative defense" under Florida law. She also said that "Stand Your Ground" is "a tough affirmative defense to overcome." It will be "tough" for the prosecution because although Zimmerman has to introduce some evidence that he acted in self-defense, that doesn't mean that he has to convince the jury that he acted in self-defense. All he has to do is to create a "reasonable doubt" as to whether he acted in self-defense. A proposed amendment to the Florida Jury Instructions makes that perfectly clear. [click to continue…]

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George Zimmerman has been charged with second degree murder, which carries a possible penalty of life in prison. A possible lesser charge is manslaughter, for which he could be sentenced to 15 years imprisonment. This post sets forth the relevant Florida statutes on homocide. [click to continue…]

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Professor Huhn will present a program today at 4:00 at Ohio Northern University Pettit School of Law on Same Sex-Marriage and Reality-Based Legal Analysis. The program will summarize the present status of same-sex marriage laws and litigation in the United States, and describe this movement within the larger intellectual and jurisprudential context of Legal Realism and Pragmatism.

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Here.

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Social conservatives sincerely believe that they are defending "morality" when they condemn practices such as  birth control, women working outside the home, and same-sex marriage. Their view is that these practices are "immoral" because they threaten the fabric of society. They consider people who condone these social transformations to be fostering "immorality."

They are mistaken. They view change itself as threatening. They forget that society often changes for the better – that human progress is possible – and that if given the opportunity to pursue their hopes and dreams people can often make this a better world. [click to continue…]

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During oral argument in Reichle v. Howards the justices of the Supreme Court were understandably skeptical about allowing a man to sue a group of Secret Service agents for "retaliation" where there was probable cause for the agents to arrest the man. On the other hand, the Court struggled to find a way not to give the Secret Service – or the police generally - carte blanche to arrest protesters for pretextual reasons.

The Supreme Court heard oral argument in Reichle v. Howards on March 21. The facts of the case are set forth in this earlier post. Essentially, Mr. Howards made some rude remarks about the Iraq War to Vice-President Dick Cheney in a public mall and touched him or pushed him on the shoulder. Later when confronted by the Secret Service Howards lied and denied that he had touched Mr. Cheney. Howards was promptly arrested. Howards sued the agents on the theory that they had arrested him not because they had probable cause (which they clearly did) but rather because they disagreed with what he had said to the Vice-President. The Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that Howards had the right to bring this lawsuit.

On the one hand, this seems like an easy case. The Secret Service has an important and difficult job to do. They have to protect our nation's leaders and we don't want them worrying about being sued by every protester who is properly arrested for harassment. On the other hand, do we really want to give the police immunity when they arrest someone for trespassing, littering, jaywalking, or driving with a broken taillight just because they don't like what the person has to say?

What makes this case more difficult is the fact that we don't allow the police or even the Secret Service to arrest people because of their race. The courts are not about to graft an exception onto the Equal Protection Clause for law enforcement officers even when they have responsibility for protecting the President of the United States. So how can we and why should we create such an exception to the First Amendment?

My impression from oral argument is that the justices are inclined to reverse the Tenth Circuit and rule in favor of the Secret Service agents by dismissing the lawsuit. A clue as to how the Court might do this was apparent from a question that Justice Stephen Breyer asked Sean Gallagher, the attorney representing the Secret Service agents:

And the — the question I wanted to ask you there is, you make a very strong case where the President and Vice President are involved, the need to protect them, but the rule that you there adopt is a rule that will apply to every police officer, anyone who arrests anyone anywhere in the country, and no matter how clear it is that the motive was retaliation against a point of view, that individual will be protected from a Bivens action.
So, it sounds as if your first claim — the remedy sweeps well beyond the need that you sketch. And so, I'd like your response to that. (p. 6)

In other words, the Court might adopt a rule granting immunity from First Amendment retaliation claims only to those law enforcement officers who are performing protective services. Furthermore, that immunity would apply only in situations where the police otherwise had probable cause to arrest the protester. I believe that this is how the Court is likely to rule.

Wilson Huhn teaches Constitutional Law at The University of Akron School of Law.

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In yesterday's post I cited abundant authority in support of the principle that the courts must defer to the judgment of Congress in reviewing the constitutionality of economic legislation. Decisions under the Due Process, Equal Protection Clause, Spending Clause, and Commerce Clause all reveal the same idea, that the courts lack the power to second-guess the political branches in the determination of national economic policy.

I promised that today I would explain why the courts lack that power. There are two reasons. First, the courts are not institutionally equipped to undertake the complex analysis necessary to the establishment of economic policy. Second, the courts are not democratically authorized to balance and compromise the economic interests of different segments of our society. [click to continue…]

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